Terracotta figurines are often found in religious sanctuaries, tombs, and household shrines and, in such cases, are usually identified as offerings. Ancient Greeks started making small, fired clay figurines in the shape of humans and animals as early as (6,000-3,000 B.C.E.).  In the Greek and Roman periods (ca. 800 B.C.E.-400 C.E.), artisans would produce terracotta figurines in the form of local gods and goddesses for the purpose of selling them to pilgrims to use as dedications in the city's sanctuaries. Typically, terracotta figurines did not leave the city in which they were produced and they are therefore different from other archaeological materials, such as coins and pottery, which traveled widely via .

A figurine of a harpy, a hybrid creature with the body and wings of a bird with a woman's torso and head, resembles depictions of sirens that often decorated tripod cauldrons. Tripod cauldrons were frequently dedicated at religious sanctuaries, especially in the Geometric and Orientalizing periods (c. 900 to 650 B.C.E.). 

Three female terracotta figurines in the collection all seem to represent goddesses. The 6th century B.C.E. East Greek figurine (pictured here) was made in a mold and holds an object that may be a dove. The dove is a bird sacred to the goddess Aphrodite and this figurine may therefore represent Aphrodite herself or a woman bringing an offering to the goddess. The other two female terracotta figurines in the collection were made by hand. Each wears a polos, a type of headdress that is usually worn by goddesses, particularly those relating to fertility. The mid-6th century B.C.E. Boeotian figurine has a rather curly version of the polos! The other, a 6th century B.C.E. Laconian figurine, has disks at her breast which may represent a necklace with pendants. Objects such as these were used as votive offerings to deities; the dedicators hoped to incur favor with the gods by bringing them gifts.

Finally, a mid-6th century B.C.E. horse and rider figurine may have been . Horses were popular subjects in Greek art. Both the animals themselves and their maintenance were costly and therefore ownership of horses was an indication of considerable wealth. Although this figurine is simplified, the subject is immediately recognizable; the artist has managed to capture the spirit of the horse and rider through very basic shapes and patterns. The lines on the horse's body do not reflect any real pattern on the horse, but instead add a sense of movement and interest to the figure. This figurine may have been included in a child's grave.

Many objects, including not just figurines but also mundane and specialized vessels, can serve a variety of functions and can be identified as offerings only by their , that is, where they were found. A vessel excavated from a tomb, for example, is usually identified as a burial offering, while one found in a sanctuary as a religious offering. The same vessel, however, can be found in domestic or refuse contexts, which changes their interpretation. Finally, an object could have served several purposes over its lifetime. Objects, then, are open to multiple interpretations and scholars often disagree about which one is correct. 

This essay was written to accompany a collection of Greek artifacts at the CU Art Museum. 

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Sirens entered Greek art as a part of the decoration on Orientalizing tripod cauldrons, which were introduced to Greece in the so-called Orientalizing period (mid-8th to mid-7th centuries B.C.E.), when many hybrid monsters like spinxes, Sirens, and griffins entered Greek art (1). These attachments and the Orientalizing cauldrons they adorned are thought to have had their origins in the Near East, specifically North Syria (2) or  (3). Cauldrons found on the eastern Mediterranean island of Cyprus provide a crucial link to these Near Eastern origins (4).

Siren attachments are essentially an elaborate way of affixing handles to a cauldron (5). A good example of their arrangement and orientation can be seen on a Near Eastern  in Pennsylvania. Two to four Sirens were attached to the rim of the cauldron, usually facing inwards toward the bowl. Siren figures can appear alongside protomes shaped like griffins, hybrid creatures with the body, tail, and back legs of a lion combined with the head, wings, and talons of an eagle. Griffin protomes, such as the , are thought to be a Near Eastern-inspired Greek creation (6). 

A large proportion of Siren attachments and the cauldrons to which they were attached were manufactured in the Near East and then imported into Greece. Some Siren attachments, however, were created by Greek artisans who were inspired by those imported from the Near East (7). Although they are similar, Near Eastern and Greek sirens differ in many ways. Near Eastern sirens, for example, exhibit a number of variations, such as helmet-wearing and  figures (8). Greek Sirens, on the other hand, are fairly uniform (9). The style of the faces differ, as well: Near Eastern sirens have faces that are more static, while the  are softer, wearing an , and sometimes done in . Finally, Near Eastern Sirens are typically depicted as humans with wings: they have the heads, bodies, and limbs of a human, with the arms laying flat against the wings. On some pieces there is even a small, sculpted strap around the wrists, implying that the wings are worn rather than a natural part of the figure, as in the example from the Glencairn Museum (above). In some Greek examples, however, the arms disappear and the human head is joined seamlessly with a bird body (10). 

The figure of the Siren may have inspired freestanding figurines like one of a Harpy in the CU Art Museum's collection. Harpies are similar in appearance to Sirens but they function differently in mythology. In their earliest appearance in Greek literature, , the Harpies appear as winged maidens with beautiful hair who fly faster than birds and the wind. By the early 5th century B.C.E., however, the playwright Aeschylus describes them as disgustingly ugly monsters (). 

This essay was written to accompany a collection of Greek artifacts at the CU Art Museum. 

Footnotes

1. Athanasia Yalouris, Olympia the Museum and the Sanctuary (Athens: Ekdotike Athenon, 1993): 57.
2. Oscar White Muscarella, "Near Eastern Bronzes in the West: The Question of Origin," in ed. Suzannah F. Doeringer, David Gordon Mitten, and Arthur Richard Steinberg, Art and Technology: A Symposium on Classical Bronzes (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1970): 110.
3. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Art of the Aegean Islands (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1979): 171.
4. Vassos Karageorghis, The Ancient Civilization of Cyprus (New York: Cowles Education Corporation, 1969): 155. 
5. Bernard Goldman, "An Oriental Solar Motif and Its Western Extension," Journal of Near Eastern Studies 61.4 (Oct. 1961): 239.
6. Oscar White Muscarella, "The Oriental Origin of Siren Cauldron Attachments," Hesperia 62.4 (Oct.-Dec. 1962): 317-320.
7. Goldman, "An Oriental Solar Motif and Its Western Extension," 239.
8. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Art of the Aegean Islands: 173.
9. Muscarella, "The Oriental Origin of Siren Cauldron Attachments," 318.
10. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Art of the Aegean Islands: 170-175.

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The importance of horses in Greek life is illustrated by the frequency of their depiction in art throughout all periods of Greek history. Horses are shown in ancient Greek vase-painting, as well as in large- and small-scale sculpture. They can be shown with or without riders and in a variety of situations, from  to  (1). Horses often look small relative to humans in Greek art: while this can be the result of the artist attempting to fit horses and humans into the same composition,  were, in fact, somewhat smaller than their modern counterparts. The Greeks believed that horses were created by , and occasionally horses were sacrificed to the god by drowning (2). 

Horses were  as early as the Late Bronze Age in Greece (ca. 1,600 to 1,100 B.C.E.), first to pull chariots and later for cavalry. The uses of chariots in battle is attested by the epic poet Homer, who mentions that the best horses were fed wheat instead of the typical barley and even given wine to drink (3). Because few people were wealthy enough to own horses, the ancient Greek cavalry was usually small; in 431 B.C.E., for example, Athens had only 1,000 men in its cavalry and Sparta did not have a real cavalry at all until 424 B.C.E. Like their human counterparts, horses engaged in battle in ancient Greece could be . Horses did not play a major role in Greek warfare until the time of the Macedonian king  (356-323 B.C.E.) (4).

in ancient Greece, originating as part of the ceremonies in early funeral games. The racing of became an event at  beginning in 680 B.C.E. Horse racing with riders, not chariots, was introduced somewhat later. The races took place on courses called  (from the Greek words "hippos," meaning horse, and "dromos," meaning course), dangerous tracks with hairpin turns at either end. As is the case in horse racing today, the prizes and acclaim were given to the owners of the horse teams, not to the  or the . This loophole was the only means by which the , as the owner of a team of horses, could be listed as a winner of an Olympic event, honors most typically accorded to men (5). In addition to , ancient Greek athletic competitions could include horseback acrobatics, which must have been thrilling to watch, and military sports, such as throwing javelins from horseback (6).

Traveling and hunting by horse were luxuries reserved for the rich. The use of horses in hunting, as well as in battle is well-illustrated on the so-called Alexander Sarcophagus, a (Lebanon). One side shows a battle, with some soldiers mounted on horses; the other shows men hunting lions from horseback. 

Handbooks instructed horse owners on the correct treatment of their animals; the oldest one still surviving today is  by the  (c. 430-354 B.C.E.), which details the proper care and training of horses (7). No matter the amount of training, however, it must have been uncomfortable to ride a horse in ancient Greece for both animal and rider, as there were no saddles, stirrups, or horseshoes (8).

This essay was written to accompany a collection of Greek artifacts at the CU Art Museum. 

Footnotes

1. On horses in art, see Sidney David Markman, The Horse in Greek Art (New York: Biblo and Tannen, 1969).
2. Harold B. Barclay, The Role of the Horse in Man's Culture (London: J.A. Allen, 1980): 57.
3. Robert Way, "Horses of Ancient Greece," in ed. Michael Seth-Smith, The Horse in Art and History (New York: Mayflower Books, 1978): 22-3.
4. On cavalry and warfare see Juliet Clutton-Brock, Horse Power: A History of the Horse and the Donkey in Human Societies (Harvard University Press, 1992): 106-12; Ann Hyland, The Horse in the Ancient World (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003): 128-44; Simon Hornblower and Antony Spawforth, The Oxford Classical Dictionary (Oxford University Press, 1999): 709.
5. On horse and chariot racing see Clutton-Brock, Horse Power: 112-3; Hornblower and Spawforth, The Oxford Classical Dictionary: 727-8; Way, "Horses of Ancient Greece": 24-6.
6. On equestrian spectator sports see Barclay, The Role of the Horse in Man's Culture: 54-5.
7. Hornblower and Spawforth, The Oxford Classical Dictionary: 728-9.
8. Way, "Horses of Ancient Greece," 23.

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was the king of Macedon from 336 until his death in 323 B.C.E. He inherited the kingdom from his father, , and his successful military campaigns expanded the Greek world all the way to northwestern India. Alexander's death led to the creation of a number of new kingdoms, including not just the Hellenistic Greek kingdoms of the Mediterranean, but also the (321-185 B.C.E.) headed by Chandragupta Maurya. 

Bucephalus was Alexander's horse and one of the most famous horses in world history. He was described as being black with a large white star on his forehead. The horse's name is a combination of the Greek words "bous," meaning ox and "kephalos," meaning head, perhaps a nod to the horse's intractable nature. According to the 2nd century C.E. author Plutarch in his , Bucephalus was given as a gift to Alexander's father, Philip II. The horse proved to be too vicious and unmanageable and would not allow anyone to mount him. Alexander, just a boy at the time, undertook the challenge to tame the horse, much to the amusement of the older men around him. Alexander, however, had noticed that the horse was afraid of its shadow and gently turned its head toward the sun and was able to mount him and attach the bridle. Philip II was so impressed and declared that Alexander would secure for himself a large kingdom, as Macedonia was too small for him. 

A different story of Bucephalus's origin can be found in the , probably originally written in the 2nd century C.E. The Alexander Romance is an account of the life and exploits of Alexander the Great and many versions of this text exist in several languages. Over time, it was expanded and revised to include all sorts of fantastical elements and is best understood now as a genre as opposed to as a single text.  

Bucephalus is probably the horse depicted in the , which was uncovered at the Roman site of Pompeii in the House of the Faun that was probably based on a 4th century B.C.E. wall painting. 

Alexander rode Bucephalus until the horse's death at the Battle of the Hydaspes in 326 B.C.E. In his honor, Alexander named a local city, Bucephala (, in the Punjab province of Pakistan), after him.

Horses were generally important in the ancient Greek world, used not just in warfare, but also in hunting and athletic competitions and as symbols of wealth and status for members of the elite. 

This essay was written to accompany a collection of Greek artifacts at the CU Art Museum. 

Footnote

1. Juliet Clutton-Brock, Horse Power: A History of the Horse and the Donkey in Human Societies (Harvard University Press, 1992): 106-7; Ann Hyland, The Horse in the Ancient World (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003): 161.

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The earliest evidence for human activity on Cyprus dates back to the Neolithic period, when seasonal hunters visited the island to hunt pygmy elephants and pygmy hippopotami. The first significant contact with foreign cultures came during the Early Bronze Age (2,600-2,000 B.C.E.), with a wave of new immigrants to the island. Some types of pottery from this period, specifically , resembles Anatolian wares, a similarity that has led to the theory that immigrants from Anatolia (modern Turkey) were the impetus for Early Bronze Age culture on Cyprus. These newcomers are also thought to have introduced more advanced metallurgical practices, which allowed for the manufacture of objects of copper and its alloy, bronze (1). The island was famous in antiquity for . 

Other artifacts dating from this period attest to the presence of trade contacts with Crete and possibly Egypt (2).

Trade contacts continued to grow throughout the Middle Bronze Age (2,000-1,600 B.C.E.) and into  (1,600-1,050 B.C.E.). This increase in trade spurred the development of a writing system for administrative and recordkeeping purposes and thus led to the emergence of what has been labeled by some scholars as a . Cypro-Minoan is labeled as such because scholars have compared it to the  script of Crete, home to the contemporary . This view is not universally supported and other evidence indicates Near Eastern influences on Cypriot culture, as well (3).

Around 1,400 B.C.E.,  merchants, attracted by the potential for trade with the Near East, began immigrating to Cyprus. With them they brought Mycenaean pottery, which introduced a plethora of new decoration schemes to Cyprus, including the Mycenaean pictorial style, a famous example of which is the  (4). Much of the Mycenaean pottery found on Cyprus seems to be imported from the Greek mainland, but some scholars think there were Mycenaean potters living on Cyprus and interacting with local potters (5). The existence of Mycenaean pots that imitate traditional Cypriot shapes supports this theory (6).

In the CU Art Museum's collection is an Early Iron Age juglet from Cyprus that demonstrates some of the blend of local and foreign influences in Cypriot art.

 on the east coast of Cyprus, dating to the 8th and 7th centuries B.C.E., provide a perfect example of the island's central position between the Aegean and the Near East. The tombs contain a wealth of grave goods from both east and west (7). A large Geometric period Greek krater was found alongside with local Cypriot wares, Phoenician goods executed in an Egyptian manner, and a number of locally made and imported Near Eastern-style bronze objects (8). The most impressive of these are two massive hammered bronze tripod cauldrons. One of them is decorated with griffin protomes and siren attachments, decorations that suggest it may have been locally made with influence from North Syria or , providing a crucial link between tripod cauldrons found in the Aegean and Italy and their supposed Near Eastern origins (9). 

This essay was written to accompany a collection of Greek artifacts at the CU Art Museum. 

Collections of Cypriot Antiquities Online: 

•  at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York
•  at the Institute of Cypriot Studies at SUNY Albany in New York

Footnotes

1. Vassos Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans (London: Thames and Hudson Ltd., 1982): 40-41.
2. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Roman: 46.
3. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Roman: 63-66.
4. Emily Vermeule, Mycenaean Pictorial Vase Painting (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,1982): 6-9.
5. A. D. Lacy, Greek Pottery in the Bronze Age (London: Methuen & Co. Ltd., 1967): 167-168.
6. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans: 79.
7. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans​:&²Ô²ú²õ±è;112-113.
8. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans​: 130-134.
9. Vassos Karageorghis, The Ancient Civilization of Cyprus (New York: Cowles Education Corporation, 1969): 155-156.

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Introduction

The island of Cyprus is located in the northeast corner of the Mediterranean Sea, south of Turkey, west of Lebanon and Syria, north of Egypt, and southeast of Greece. Its location made the island a crucial link in trade relationships between Greece and the Near East, the Levant, and Egypt and, as a result, Cyprus was always subject to myriad foreign influences.

The modern word "copper" is derived from the island's name, a nod to , which also contributed to its broad significance in the ancient Mediterranean world. 

in some ways matches the established chronologies for other Mediterranean cultures, but the development of the island followed its own trajectory. Absolute dates are hard to pinpoint, but scholars generally agree on the broad outline of , technologies, and culture.

Neolithic Period (Stone Age): 7,000-4,000 B.C.E.

The  were seasonal hunters of pygmy elephants and pygmy hippopotami. A significant early settlement site on the island, , dates to as early as 7,000 B.C.E. and was occupied until around 4,000 B.C.E. Residents here lived in circular houses of mudbrick and stone with flat roofs and used vessels made of stone. This phase is divided into two sub-phases: the Aceramic Neolithic and the Ceramic Neolithic, based on the production and use of ceramic vessels. In the latter phase, which started around 5,500 B.C.E., residents of the island began using Combed Ware pottery, which had arrived with an influx of new settlers (1). 

Chalcolithic Period (Copper Age): 4,000-2,600 B.C.E.

A major earthquake around 3,800 B.C.E. heralded the end of the Neolithic and marked the beginning of the Chalcolithic Period. The number of settlements on Cyprus increased during the Chalcolithic period and although we can identify cultural changes, it is clear that this was a continuation of cultural development from the Neolithic period. Chalcolithic Cypriots continued using stone, but also began using copper for objects like chisels, hooks, and jewelry (2). This combination of materials contributes to the name of the period, which is a combination of the words "chalkos," meaning copper, and "lithos," meaning stone. 

Red-on-white pottery predominates during the Chalcolithic period. Also common are clay and stone female figurines, such as a limestone at the J. Paul Getty Museum in Los Angeles. The accentuated genitals on these figurines contribute to their association with fertility rites. Some figurines, however, are more abstract, including in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York. These other cruciform figurines may have developed from the stump-like figurines of the preceding Neolithic period. Given their usual findspot in burials of women and children, cruciform figurines may be associated with fertility, like the female figurines. 

Early Bronze Age: 2,600-2,000 B.C.E.

The transition into the Early Bronze Age is hard to pinpoint exactly, as most of the evidence for Early Bronze Age culture on Cyprus comes from tomb excavations and not the examination of actual settlements (3). Some pottery from this period, such as , shows a strong resemblance to Anatolian pottery (4) and may have been introduced by newcomers to the island. Several objects found on Cyprus, such as daggers from and beads from Egypt, also indicate the existence of trade contacts with both these civilizations. At this time, the main export of Cyprus was probably copper, which would likewise be the basis for later development of trade (5). Figurines, especially female figurines, continue to be popular on the island. 

Middle Bronze Age: 2,000-1,600 B.C.E.

This was a short transitional period between the Early and Late Bronze Age. Increasing trade relations with Egypt, Syria, and Palestine resulted in the growing importance of the harbor towns on the southern coast. Cypriot pottery began to be traded as well, although the main export continued to be copper (6). The construction of a number of fortresses on the island suggests a period of unrest, although its cause is not known. 

Late Bronze Age: 1,600-1,050 B.C.E.

At this time, a new period of peace in the eastern Mediterranean allowed for an unprecedented growth in trade. Cyprus's location in the Mediterranean and its abundant copper resources attracted  merchants who established themselves on the eastern and southern coasts of the island in order to conduct trade with the Near East. This increase in trade led to the development of the  (7). Increased trade also stimulated the development of new pottery styles stemming from earlier Bronze Age traditions. These include and  Wares, both of which were very popular as exports. Base Ring Ware was especially popular in Egypt, where numerous , which resemble inverted poppy heads and are thought to have been used to store and transport opium, were exported (8). Mycenaean Greek pottery, both imported and locally made (9), also appears in great numbers on Cyprus, fulfilling the demand of the Cypriot market for the exuberant styles of Mycenaean pottery, especially the Pictorial Style, a famous example of which is the  (10). 

Around 1,200 B.C.E., as Mycenaean civilization on the Greek mainland was collapsing, several major cities on Cyprus were destroyed. These destructions have been attributed to Mycenaean refugees who fled their collapsed societies, as well as others who may have joined them in their travels. These invasions are sometimes associated with , a group of raiders known mainly from Egyptian texts but whose identity remains uncertain (11). Following this destruction, a wave of Achaean immigrants settled on Cyprus, bringing with them the culture of mainland Greece and advanced metallurgical techniques. There is also evidence for immigrants from Crete and Persia (12). Many new cities appear at this time, which, according to legend, were founded by Greek heroes from (13). Around 1,050 B.C.E. the Late Bronze Age was brought to a close by a disaster, possibly major earthquakes, which destroyed many of the island's cities (14). 

Cypro-Geometric Period: 1,050-750 B.C.E.

Following destruction on the island at the end of the Late Bronze Age, Cypriot residents moved away from the interior of the island towards the coasts and founded several new cities. Immigrants to Cyprus, especially Greeks and Phoenicians, were attracted by the island's rich copper resources, as well as its by its supply of timber. The influence of mainland Greece at this time can be observed in contemporary artifacts, yet a distinct separation was evident between the culture of the Greek settlers and native Cypriot traditions. Toward the close of the , these two cultures were blended together. Around 850 B.C.E., there was extensive contact with the Phoenicians, who established several colonies on the island (15). 

Pottery at this time included white-painted wares, bichrome wares, and black slip wares. A in Cambridge is representative of this period. Red slip wares appear later in the Cypro-Geometric period, and pictorial styles continue from the preceding Late Bronze Age. The influx of immigrants, as well as increased trade contacts resulted in blended styles, and an Early Iron Age juglet from Cyprus demonstrates some of the blend of local and foreign influences in Cypro-Geometric art.

Cypro-Archaic Period: 750-500 B.C.E.

By the  Cyprus was divided into a series of city-kingdoms. Around 700 B.C.E., the kings of Cyprus came under the rule of the . Cyprus remained under Assyrian domination until after the collapse of the Assyrian Empire around 669 B.C.E.. Assyrian rule was lenient as long as tribute was paid and Cypriot rulers grew rich and pleasured in exotic goods, as  on the east coast of the island indicate. Under the Assyrians, contact between Cyprus and the Aegean world increased (16).

After the fall of the Assyrian Empire, Egypt grew in power and by 570 B.C.E. Cyprus was essentially ruled by the Egyptians. Though Egyptian control only lasted for 25 years, Egyptian art styles, along with Ionian styles, had a marked influence on Cypriot sculpture, as well as Archaic sculpture in general (17). In 545 B.C.E., Cyprus came under the control of the .

Pottery in the Cypro-Archaic period is similar to that of the preceding period and included white-painted wares, bichrome wares, and black and red slip wares. A whimsical example of Cypro-Archaic pottery is a . This vase is shaped like a bull and unlike typical vases, it is filled through a hole in the foot and its contents poured through a hole in the bull's mouth. Trick vases first appear in Cypriot art in the Cypro-Geometric period. This 

Classical and Later Cyprus: 500 B.C.E. and Beyond

After 499 B.C.E., Persian rule became much harsher (18) and Cyprus remained in Persian control despite attempts at liberation by the Greek city-states (19).  (5th and 4th centuries B.C.E.) Cyprus remained under Persian control. Cyprus finally regained relative freedom for a short time when the Macedonian king  granted greater independence to the island. Following his death in 323 B.C.E., Cyprus was annexed by Egypt, under whose control it remained (20). In 58 B.C.E. Cyprus became a Roman province (21). 

This essay was written to accompany a collection of Greek artifacts at the CU Art Museum. 

Collections of Cypriot Antiquities Online: 

•  at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York
•  at the Institute of Cypriot Studies at SUNY Albany in New York

Footnotes

1. Vassos Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans (London: Thames and Hudson Ltd., 1982): 16-27.
2. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans: 30-37.
3. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans: 40.
4. Vassos Karageorghis, The Ancient Civilization of Cyprus (New York: Cowles Education Corporation,1969): 38-39.
5. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans: 46.
6. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans: 52-60.
7. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans: 61-66.
8. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans: 73-76.
9. A. D. Lacy, Greek Pottery in the Bronze Age (London: Methuen & Co. Ltd., 1967): 167-168.
10. Emily Vermeule, Mycenaean Pictorial Vase Painting (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982): 6-9. 
11. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans: 82-86.
12. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans: 89-106.
13. Andreas Demetriou, Cypro-Aegean Relations in the Early Iron Age (Cyprus: Zavallis Litho Ltd., 1989): 88-93.
14. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans: 112.
15. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans: 114-127.
16. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans:128-136.
17. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans: 138-139.
18. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans: 152.
19. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans: 157.
20. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans:167.
21. Karageorghis, Cyprus from the Stone Age to the Romans: 177.

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Olive Oil in the Late Bronze Age

Our knowledge about the production and use of olive oil in the Late Bronze Age comes largely from series of clay tablets from archaeological sites dated to  (ca. 1,600 to 1,100 B.C.E.). The text on these tablets is written in a  and, so far, they have primarily been found at , as well as at Thebes, Pylos, Knossos (Crete), and Chania (Crete). These tablets were essentially record books used to keep track of the contents of the Mycenaean palace centers. was the result of work done by two American classicists,  and , and two British classicists,  and . These tablets indicate that among its other uses, olive oil in the Late Bronze Age was sometimes perfumed and perhaps used in a religious context (1).

The CU Art Museum's collection contains several vessels from this period that may have served as containers for olive oil, including a Late Helladic IIIA stirrup jar. Two vessels, a two-handled squat jar dating to the Late Helladic I period (pictured here) and a three-handled squat jar dating to the Late Helladic IIIA period, may also have held olive oil. 

This essay was written to accompany a collection of Greek artifacts at the CU Art Museum. 

Footnote

1. John Chadwick, The Mycenaean World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976): 101.

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This essay was written to accompany a collection of Greek artifacts at the CU Art Museum. 

Footnote

1. Arne Furumark, The Mycenaean Pottery: Analysis and Classification (Stockholm: Victor Pettersons Bokindustriaktiebolag, 1941): 262, 385.

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Introduction

are the subject of much interest to scholars and students of the ancient world. Not only did their status and freedoms change drastically throughout time, but so, too, did their representations in art and literature. Most of these representations, however, were created by men, so much of what we know about women's daily lives, including wool-working and washing, relationships, and their virtues, is filtered through their prejudices and expectations. It can be challenging, then, to separate fact from fiction when trying to understand the lives of ancient Greek women who had little voice of their own. Although changing and often conflicting representations of gender can confuse our understanding of the social roles of women, representations of women in art may at least answer some of our questions about women's physical appearance, , throughout Greek history. 

Archaeological remains, including representations of goddesses and mortal women in statues, vase paintings, and figurines, provide key evidence about the importance of clothing, jewelry, and other cosmetic embellishments in ancient Greece. Clothing, for example, is a product of culture and is therefore unique to the period in which it was fashioned. Representations of such chronologically significant details like clothing styles, then, making material culture an important avenue for studying cultural change (1). 

In order to understand changes in women's dress during the  (8th century - 480 B.C.E.) we must look first at trends immediately preceding this period. In the Bronze Age cultures of  and , for example, "women wore a short-sleeved jacket cut so low in front as to leave the breasts exposed, and an ankle-length skirt decorated with flounces" (2). This particular style is not represented by art in the Greek collection at the University of Colorado at Boulder Art Museum, but can be seen represented in  from Knossos (Crete). We do not know how common this style of dress was, but this tailored costume is unique to Bronze Age civilizations in Greece and is easily distinguishable from the dress worn by women represented in art from later periods of development. 

shows a dramatic transformation in women's clothing, as demonstrated by a mid-6th century B.C.E. terracotta figurine in the CU Art Museum's collection (pictured here). After the Late Bronze Age, women's clothing lost its fitted, revealing appearance and took on the form of simple, "rectangular pieces of cloth draped to the figure and held in place with pins or brooches" (3). There were countless variations on women's clothing during this period depending on regional popularity and large-scale trends over time. The three main items of clothing, however, were  that were combined and re-combined in a variety of ways. These items of clothing were often elaborately colored and patterned, which added to the variety of apperances women could have. 

This essay was written to accompany a collection of Greek artifacts at the CU Art Museum. 

Peplos

, also known as the Doric chiton (4), is the earliest known item of Archaic Greek women's clothing. It first appears in art after the collapse of the Mycenaean culture and in the transition to the Iron Age. The sleeveless peplos was made of a rectangular piece of cloth, usually of a heavier, woolen fabric, which was folded first in half around the torso and beneath the arms. The top was folded down to form an overfall or "apotygma." With the body centered between the two sides of the peplos, the garment was then pinned over both shoulders with , which had many different forms. Additional brooches could pin the cloth down along the arm to create sleeves. 

There were multiple types and arrangements of the peplos, including the open peplos, which was left open to show the leg on one side, and the closed peplos, sewn on both edges to conceal the sides of the body (5). A closed peplos can be seen on on the Acropolis of Athens, dated to the later 5th century B.C.E. (6). Peploi were often brightly colored and patterned. (c. 530 B.C.E.), for example, show a woman wearing peplos brightly colored with reds, greens, and blues. 

Chiton

, also known as the Ionic chiton (7), is usually understood as a later modification of the peplos (8). Appearing by the middle of the 6th century B.C.E., the Ionic chiton is a notable combination of Greek and Eastern influences and can be seen as yet another example of the influence of the Orientalizing Period in Greek history (9), which was a result of increased interaction between the Near East and Greece during the Archaic period. The shift in popularity from the Doric peplos to the Ionic chiton and what motivated it was a source of speculation for the 5th century B.C.E. historian Herodotus (). 

Like the peplos, the chiton was fashioned from a single sheet of material folded across the body. The garment could be sewn completely along the top of the arms, leaving only a small hole for the head or neck (10). Alternatively, the chiton could be left sleeveless and, like the peplos, be pinned just over the shoulders. Unlike the heavy wool peplos, however, the chiton was made of a lighter material, such as linen or silk, and it had no distinctive overfall element at the top.

The chiton lost favor to the peplos again in the 5th century B.C.E. This has been attributed, in part, to the in the early 5th century B.C.E. This invasion of Greece by the Persians could have prompted an new aversion to anything considered Eastern (11). The new 5th century B.C.E. peplos differed from its earlier version, however, in that it was created from a less substantial woolen fabric and had a long overfall on one side (12). A particular variation on the later peplos, called the , is depicted in statues of the goddess with a longer overfall at the top and an extra fold or pouch of cloth draped underneath (13). This trend, as expected, was later discarded, again in favor of the chiton. 

Himation

 is the last of the three major categories of clothing found during the Archaic period in Greece. It is best described as a cloak or mantle and was usually , not instead of them. There are many different types of himatia, but all are depicted either being worn over both shoulders or, as a "transverse himation," with just on one and draped diagonally across the torso (14). Himatia survived the changes in clothing styles during the Archaic period but were more commonly worn over Ionic chitons in the transverse himation style (15).

Footnotes

1. Nudity, or a lack of dress, may also say a lot about a figure. For instance, nude forms are often subjects of eroticism and selective exposure, like of the breasts or buttocks, can be found in artwork depicting flute girls and dancing girls.  For an interesting discussion on the relationship of women's sexuality to Greek society, art, and text, refer to Nancy Sorkin Rabinowitz and Lisa Auanger,   Among Women: From the Homosocial to the Homoerotic in the Ancient World (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2002).
2. R.A. Higgins, Greek Terracottas (London: Butler and Tanner Ltd.,1967): 1ii.  
3. Higgins, Greek Terracottas: 1ii. For a more thorough explanation of the different forms of peplos, chiton, and himation, as well as descriptions of hair, foot adornment, and dress of foreigners, such as the Amazons, refer to Ethel B. Abrahams, Greek Dress: A Study of the Costumes Worn in Ancient Greece, From Pre-Hellenic Times to the Hellenistic Age (Chicago, IL: Argonaut, Inc. Publishers, 1964) and Margot Listor, Costume: An Illustrated Survey from Ancient Times to the Twentieth Century (Boston: Plays, Inc.,1968): 47-65.  
4. Higgins, Greek Terracottas: 1iii.
5. Harold Koda, Goddess: The Classical Mode (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003): 218-219.
6. Koda, Goddess: The Classical Mode: 11.
7. Felicity Nicholson, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Pottery and Small Terracottas: A Brief Guide for the Small Collector, with a Note on Greek Dress (London: Cory Adams and Mackay Ltd, 1965): 58.
8. The peplos was to gain popularity again in later times.  
9. Nicholson, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Pottery and Small Terracottas: 58-59.
10. Nicholson, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Pottery and Small Terracottas​: 59.  
11. Nicholson, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Pottery and Small Terracottas​: 59.  
12. Nicholson, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Pottery and Small Terracottas: 59-60.  
13. Nicholson, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Pottery and Small Terracottas​: 59.
14. Higgins, Greek Terracottas: 1iii.   
15. Nicholson, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Pottery and Small Terracottas: 61.

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Women and scenes showing women's work in general became a more common decorative theme on pots in the late 6th century B.C.E., when vase painters began using the red-figure technique of vase painting. In these scenes, women can be seen engaged in a variety of activities, including fetching water from a fountainhouse and chatting with other women, at work in the house , and . It is important, however, to remember that while  were becoming more popular, we cannot extrapolate directly from them that women's status or freedoms within society had increased or changed. 

There are many ways that an image can be read. An image of a woman could, perhaps, represent the specific woman who purchased and used the vase, akin to a portrait. Alternatively, the picture could instead represent a generic woman engaged in culturally sanctioned activities, a proper Greek woman behaving just as she should. When considering the images of women on vases in the CU Art Museum's or other collections, we must account not only for the prejudices and expectations of the ancient producers and consumers of these images, but also for our own modern perspectives. What an ancient Greek man or woman, child or adult, citizen or slave saw in an image was probably very different from what we see today. Complicating matters, we cannot even assume that all ancients saw images in the same way, as a scene may have read differently to a man than to a woman. 

Scholars sometimes argue that you can determine the function of a vessel by its decoration. We can see a good example on a painted in the black-figure technique of vase painting. On this water jug, we see a fountainhouse scene: women linger near a water spout and talk with one another as they collect water. It does seem, in this case, that the function of the hydria, a jug for collecting and storing water, relates directly to its decoration. But is there another possible reading of this scene than as an exact replication of a woman's daily activity? The  were apparently relatively restricted: they were expected to stay inside the house and could only leave if accompanied by a male escort or while tending to their work. Could it be, then, that women saw such a depiction of a fountainhouse scene as potential for freedom and liberation from the restrictions of their lives? According to this interpretation, the image is much more charged and the the water itself is an unimportant decorative element, making the correspondence between the function of the hydria and its decoration almost coincidental.

Three illustrate women and, for this reason, they are assumed to have been used by women. A 4th century B.C.E. red-figure pelike, for example, depicts a woman's head on both sides. Because the women are heavily adorned with jewelry, we assume that they represent wealthy, elite women. A 5th century B.C.E. red-figure lekythos (pictured here) shows a woman pouring a libation from a shallow bowl, which she holds over a basket for holding yarn. The associations between these actions and religious piety and wool-working assigns this woman in the realm of a respectable citizen woman. Finally, a late 6th century B.C.E. black-figure lekythos shows a woman under a grape arbor, playing a double-flute or aulos for a reclining male companion. Women in the presence of men, drinking, and music, three important components of the aristocratic (male) symposium, are often -- rightly or wrongly -- identified as non-citizen women and sometimes as courtesans or prostitutes. 

As a group, these three vases in the CU Art Museum's collection show women in stereotypical settings. Given the multiple meanings of imagery, however, we must try to be fair to the ancient viewers of the scenes. That is, we must not assign our own ideas of what ancient life was like to the images. At the same time, we must not read the images and functions of the vases at face value. 

This essay was written to accompany a collection of Greek artifacts at the CU Art Museum. 

References

• Mary Beard, "Adopting an Approach," in eds. Tom Rasmussen and Nigel Spivey, Looking at Greek Vases (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991): 12-35.
• Eva C. Keuls, The Reign of the Phallus: Sexual Politics in Ancient Athens (New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1985).
• Sarah B. Pomeroy, Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves: Women in Classical Antiquity (New York: Schocken Books, 1975).

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